The Importance of Special Education and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act of 1990

In 1944 Judge Billings Learned Hand addressed a crowd of a million and a half people who had gathered for the annual “I am an American Day” rally in New York City’s Central Park. Judge Hand’s thesis argued the rights and freedoms enjoyed by the citizens of the United States of America and which form the foundation for the unique American meta-culture that embraces the multitude of distinct cultures present within the Republic are the progeny of Liberty. He contended that the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution of the United States, the constitutions of the states and the laws flowing therefrom reflected tangible, albeit imperfect, efforts to codify the intangible perfect ideals of liberty, and its offspring freedoms, and rights. Judge Hand asserted that the purest and noblest forms of these principles exist within the spiritual realm composed of the hearts and minds of every American, See: (Hand 1960, 189-191).

President Kennedy’s address to the delegates of the eighteenth regular session of the United Nations General Assembly Plenary given on September 20, 1963 extended Learned Hand’s argument to include peace. Paraphrasing the“Spirit of Liberty” address President Kennedy asserted that those human rights, constitutional freedoms and privileges enjoyed by Americans are the children of peace and liberty. The President averred that peace treaties and other accords aimed at achieving sustainable peace within the international community were and are Imperfect attempts to manifest concretely the perfect abstract ideal that is peace. He, like Judge Hand before him, maintained that the ideals of peace and liberty in their most perfect forms reside within the conscience of the individual, Id: (Kennedy 1963).

The manner in which an individual chooses to exercise his rights to life, liberty, and to ultimately pursue happiness is a function of the freedom of choice bestowed by God upon humankind. Thomas Aquinas maintained that God endowed humankind with a rational mind comprising the intellect and will and a spiritual soul made manifest through the conscience. The combination of these elements, permits humankind to exercise their freedom of choice, (Aquinas, Sum I, Q. 83, Art. 1). Aquinas defined freedom of choice as the capacity to react positively or negatively to the abstract and immaterial universal. The ability to react either in a positive or a negative way constitutes the action of the will as instituted and moved by the intellect Id: (Aquinas, Sum I, Q. 82, Art. 4). Consequently, humankind has been rendered subject to the choices that they make, the only qualification being that an individual cannot act in a manner that is discordant with his intellect and will because, to do so is unnatural. Every act undertaken by an individual is weighed and adjudged to determine the permissibility and imputability. It is this freedom of choice that enables humans to order their world, and to engage in the decision making processes that characterize everyday life. The freedom to choose the manner of our existence permits a person to develop his own system of ethics; one that accounts for his own cultural inheritances and personal experiences.

In Brown v. Board of Educ., 347 U.S. 483; 74 S. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873, (1954) hereafter (Brown), Chief Justice Warren characterized education as being necessary because it prepares a person for the responsibilities and duties of citizenship. As such he argued that development and maintenance of educational systerms were among the obligations entrusted to state and local governments.

Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms, Brown v. Board of Educ., 347 U.S. 483, 493 (1954).

A generation removed from the decision in Brown, the federal courts extended the holding in Brown to cover individuals with disabilities. In 1972 the Federal District Court for the District of Columbia held in Mills v. Board of Educ., 348 F. Supp. 866, ( D.D.C. 1972) hereafter (Mills) that a school district could not exclude or otherwise deny disabled students access to a free and appropriate public education on the basis of the disability. Additionally, the court held that a school district cannot plead insufficient funding as a reason for excluding a student, excluding a student on the basis of disability ran contrary to the express purposes of the Education of the Handicapped Act of 1970 (EHA), Pub. L. 91-230, April 13 1970, 84 STAT 121 (1970).

The District of Columbia shall provide to each child of school age a free and suitable publicly-supported education regardless of the degree of the child's mental, physical or emotional disability or impairment. Furthermore, defendants shall not exclude any child resident in the District of Columbia from such publicly-supported education on the basis of a claim of insufficient resources, Mills v. Board of Educ., 348 F. Supp. 866, 878 ( D.D.C. 1972).

The EHA and its progeny the Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975 (EAHCA) Pub. L. 194-142, November 29, 1975 89 STAT.773 (1975); and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act of 1990 (IDEA), Pub L. 101-476, October 30, 1990, 104 STAT. 1142 codified as 20 U.S.C. § 1400 et seq., (2017) provide legal framework to ensure that the holdings of Brown and Mills decisions requiring a free appropriate public education be made available to students with disabilities. The mandate enshrined within the EHA and enhanced by its successors the EAHCA and the IDEA governing the development and regulation of special education regimes has been lauded as being a successful exercise in concurrent federalism in the main.
Under the auspices of the IDEA , the federal government works in tandem with the individual states to create educational frameworks for the disabled. The federal government entrusts the responsibility of creating the educational systems to the states; but it enacts regulations and guidelines to ensure that the systems developed by states are consistent with the federal mandates established under auspices of the enabling legislation and relevant legal precedent. Justice O’Connor emphasized this point in the majority opinion that she authored in the case of Schaffer v. Weast, 546 U.S. 49 (2005).

IDEA is “frequently described as a model of ‘cooperative federalism.’ ” Little Rock School Dist. v. Mauney, 183 F.3d 816, 830 (CA8 1999). It “leaves to the States the primary responsibility for developing and executing educational programs for handicapped children, [but] imposes significant requirements to be followed in the discharge of that responsibility.” Board of Ed. of Hendrick Hudson Central School Dist., Westchester Cty. v. Rowley, 458 U.S. 176, 183 (1982). For example, the Act mandates cooperation and reporting between state and federal educational authorities. Participating States must certify to the Secretary of Education that they have “policies and procedures” that will effectively meet the Act’s conditions… Schaffer v. Weast, 546 U.S. 49, 52 (2005).

The continued sustainability and viability of the IDEA and its directives is of particular interest on a personal level not only as a concerned citizen but, as an individual born with a disability. Shortly after my birth I went into cardiac arrest. During the resuscitation process one of my lungs collapsed briefly depriving my brain of oxygen. The damage resulting from the disruption of the oxygen flow to my brain manifested itself in the form of Hypoxic Encephalopathy. Outwardly, my condition is characterized by an irregular gait and speech patterns, accompanied by slight diminishment of my reflexes, and coördination. Despite these physical deficits my disability has had no discernable effect upon my autonomic functions or on my mental and intellectual capabilities.

My intellectual capabilities and the quality of my education is attested to by my memberships in the following societies: the Order of the Sword and Shield; the Golden Key International Honours Society; American Public University’s pre law chapter of Phi Alpha Delta; Sigma Iota Rho, national honors society for international relations students; Pi Gamma Mu, graduate level national honors society for the social sciences; and the National Association of Legal Assistants.
Neither my education, nor any of my achievements would have been possible without EAHCA and IDEA. These congressional acts together with the Vocational Rehabilitation Act of 1973, Pub. L. 93–112, §2, as added Pub. L. 105–220, title IV, §403, Aug. 7, 1998, 112 Stat. 1095 codified as 29 U.S.C. §701 et seq. (2017), ensured my access to a free appropriate public education tailored to meet my needs through the employment of a carefully crafted Individualized Educational Plan (IEP).

I do not dispute the authority of Secretary of Education of the United States to authorize and implement changes to policy as the changes in law and circumstance dictate to keep pace with the evolutionary transformations of the Republic. The recent decision taken by the Secretary of Education of the United States of America, Elisabeth Dee DeVos to rescind or otherwise abrogate seventy-two policy documents with a single order troubles me greatly for three reasons. First, among the many documents rescinded were texts that provided information on the substantive due process rights afforded to parents and their disabled children under the IDEA including the right to tape record meetings of the IEP planning committee. Other eliminated documents provided guidance about the development of IEPs, and a document outlining the minimum qualifications required of special education teachers. Second, although the process by which these papers were annulled complied with the letter of the provisions set down in 20 U.S.C 1406 (2017) and 5 U.S.C. 553 (2017) concerning the federal regulation process, it could be argued that the method employed to effect the retraction of these policy documents violated the spirit of transparency underlying both 20 U.S.C 1406 (2017) and 5 U.S.C. 553 (2017). Lastly, the failure to provide substantive assurances that the nullified documents would be replaced with newer documents that maintained the existing framework could portend a concerted effort by the Executive Branch of government to overturn almost a century of legal precedents founded upon the The Smith-Sears Act of 1918 which was repealed and reenacted by the Veterans Rehabilitation and Education Amendments Act of 1980, Pub. L. No. 96-466, October 17, 1980 94 Stat. 2172; and originally codified in 1980 as 38 USCS § 1500 (1980). In 1991 38 USCS § 1500 was re-designated as 38 USCS § 3100 et seq. by the Department of Veterans Affairs Codification Act of 1991, Pub. L. No. 102-83, 105 Stat. 378; (current version at 29 U.S.C. § 3100 et seq. (2017)).

The alterations made by Secretary deVos have the potential to negatively impact the ability of disabled Americans regardless of race, gender, or age to pursue the American dream and to seek those inalienable rights set forth in the Declaration of Independence by depriving them of the legal tools necessary to ensure that they can become productive Americans capable of enhancing the patrimony of the Republic and strengthening the democratic ideals of our nation. There are many people with disabilities that desire to obtain gainful employment of this kind that is both productive and fulfilling. However, many people with disabilities are rarely afforded an opportunity to demonstrate their knowledge and skills in the workplace. I am a prime example because, although, I have many intellectual gifts; I have spent the better part of the last two decades actively seeking gainful employment. Generally the responses of hiring managers has fallen into two categories. Either they find my academic qualifications too advanced for a given position; or I lack sufficient work experience to be afforded serious consideration. In essence I am caught in a classic Catch-22 situation because, I am academically over qualified and, yet I cannot find anyone willing to hire me so that I can acquire practical experience. Furthermore, during those brief periods during which I have been employed I have been forced to address their unwillingness to permit me reasonable accommodations under the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 Pub. L. 101–336, §1(a), July 26, 1990, 104 Stat. 327 codified as 42 U.S.C § 12191 (2017), and the ADA Amendments Act of 2008 Pub. L. 110–325, §3, Sept. 25, 2008, 122 Stat. 3554 codified to 42 U.S.C § 12191 (2017).

Divesting handicapped American citizens of educational and vocational opportunities under the guise of streamlining regulations would be tantamount to consigning them to a perpetual state of involuntary servitude, in which, any hope of the security that disabled people possess would rest solely on alms granted to them by the able bodied members of society, thereby returnng the American disabled community to the nineteenth century. Such a movement would also make it more difficult for disabled individuals like myself to find employment,

As a reply to the narrow minded views of the Executive Branch, I would argue Americans with disabilities are capable of doing their part to sustain our society if given the right tools. Relegating people with disabilities to second class status is a gross injustice. Billings Learned Hand, Chief Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit delivered an address at The Legal Aid Society's 75th anniversary celebration. In his speech Judge Hand averred that the greatest threat to the Republic and its democratic ideals is injustice. "If we are to keep our democracy, there must be one commandment: Thou shalt not ration justice” (Hand 1951). The nation must strive to meet the ideal set forth by Justice Harlan in his dissent in Plessy v Ferguson, 163 US 537, 559 (1896).

But in view of the Constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved Plessy v Ferguson, 163 US 537, 559 (1896).

If the Republic is to endure the trials and tribulations occasioned by the current state of domestic and international affairs; we must eschew the washed out ideas that buttress the idea that the disabled and other minorities possess little that could benefit the nation requiring that they be relegated to a secondary or tertiary class. The nation must accept what they offer without hesitation for without them the Republic will ultimately fail.


Sources
Aquinas, Thomas. Summa Theologiæ. Aquinas Institute. ed. Rochester: The Aquinas Institute for the Study of Sacred Doctrine 2012. Internet resource. 24 Oct. 2017.
Aquinas, Thomas. Summa Theologiæ. Aquinas Institute. ed. Rochester: The Aquinas Institute for the Study of Sacred Doctrine 2012. Internet resource. 24 Oct. 2017.
Balingit, Moriah. " The Education Department phased out 72 policy documents for disabled students. Here’s why." Washington Post. Washington Post.com. October 23, 2017. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/education/wp/2017/10/23/the-education-department-phased-out-72-policy-documents-for-disabled-students-heres-why/?utm_term=.dfb3c949a47a (accessed November 14, 2017).
Hand, Billings Learned. The Spirit of Liberty: The Papers and Addresses of Learned Hand. Third Revised Expanded Edition. Edited by Irving Dillard. Vol. One. One vols. New York: A.A. Knopf, 1960, p. 189-191.
Kennedy, John Fitzgerald. "Address before the Eighteenth General Assembly Plenary of the United Nations." New York City, New York, September 20, 1963.
Kroeber, Alfred Louis, Clyde Kluckhohn, Wayne W. Untereiner, and Alfred G. Meyer. Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. First Edition. Vol. One. One vols. New York City, New York: Vintage Books, 1952, p. 355 et seq., while not explicitly defining meta-culture as concept, Kroeber and his colleagues infer the existence and validity of such a phenomenon.
Office of Special Educ. Programs (OSEP), Office of Special Educ. and Rehab. Serv. (OSERS), U.S. Dep’t of Educ. Guidance on Procedural Safeguards and Due Process Procedures for Parents and Children with Disabilities (June 11, 2009). Available at http://www2.ed.gov/policy/speced/guid/idea/procedural-safeguards-q-a.pdf. See Also: Office of Special Educ. Programs (OSEP),
Office of Special Educ. and Rehab. Serv. (OSERS), U.S. Dep’t of Educ. OSEP Memo 88-17 Use of Tape recorders at IEP meetings (April 15, 1988). No link available.
Office of Special Educ. Programs (OSEP), Office of Special Educ. and Rehab. Serv. (OSERS), U.S. Dep’t of Educ. OSEP Memo 00-19 IEP guidance (June 30, 2000). No link available
Office of Special Educ. Programs (OSEP), Office of Special Educ. and Rehab. Serv. (OSERS), U.S. Dep’t of Educ. Questions and Answers On Highly Qualified Teachers Serving Children with Disabilities, (January 29, 2007). Available at http://idea.ed.gov/uploads/07-0006.HQT.pdf
O’Keefe, Martin D. Known from The Things That Are: Fundamental Theory of the Moral Life. First Edition. Vol. One. One vols. Houston: Center for Thomistic Studies, 1987, pp. 118-119.
The Education of the Handicapped Act of 1970 (EHA), Pub. L. 91-230, April 13 1970, 84 STAT 121 (1970).
The Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975 (EAHCA) Pub. L. 194-142, November 29, 1975 89 STAT.773 (1975).
The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act of 1990 (IDEA), Pub L. 101-476, October 30, 1990, 104 STAT. 1142 codified as 20 U.S.C. § 1400 et seq., (2017).

Musings about Globalism

In his 1955 treatise on the subject of international relations entitled The Study of International Relations; Philip Quincy Wright averred that “international relations” is a collective term under whose aegis a number of disparate fields are linked by virtue of their global attributes, (Wright, 1955, pp. 3-8). Among the fields of study he argued fell under the umbrella of international relations included but, were not limited to the following: international cultural studies; international economics, finance and trade; international law; international politics, world geography, and world history id: (Wright, 1955, pp. 3, and 6). Wright asserted that before a discussion on international relations could commence that a question needed to be answered regarding the scope and the nature of the discipline. The Study of International Relations, is one of the first, and possibly even the first text to ask the following questions: First, ‘is the study of international relations confined only to the study of the interactions between nation states; and by extension does it follow that international relations also entails studying the various civilizations, cultures, groups, and societies that make up the various nation-states? Second, when taken together do these groups form a larger international community to whom the states are answerable. Third, do the processes underpinning the exchanges between the states and their various component parts with other nations allow for the dissemination of not only physical goods and services, but for theoretical exchanges as well that include but are not limited to the transfer of diverse sociocultural, socioeconomic, and sociopolitical theories and their underlying ideas, id: (Wright, 1955, p. 4)? For example, how does globalization or lack thereof affect the dissemination of sociopolitical and socioeconomic theories. Before proceeding to address the foregoing question about the relation between sociopolitical and socioeconomic development it seems prudent to address the appurtenant subject of globalization.


Section II: Globalization

Modern scholarship credits Reiser and Davies with the first known usage of the verb globalize and other derivatives in the text of their 1944 volume, Planetary Democracy: An Introduction to Scientific Humanism and Applied Semantics. Jan Aart Scholte noted in the various editions of Globalization: A Critical Introduction published 2000 and 2005 respectively; that (Reiser & Davies, 1944) defined globalization as a form of universalization through which the various cultures of the world could achieve a global citizenship similar to that advocated by Thomas More and Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus, id: (Scholte, 2005, p. 16) summarizing (Reiser & Davies, 1944).

Scholte argued in the opening chapters of his study on the subject of globalization that (Reiser & Davies, 1944) was the first of a multitude of definitions that have attempted to define the concept of globalization. The host of definitions he contended arose from the different focuses of the various commentators, (Scholte, 2005, pp. 15-17). For example, many credit Theodore Levitt’s “The Globalization of Markets” that appeared in the May-June 1983 issue of the Harvard Business Review with introducing the terms to the world at large. Levitt limited his treatment of globalization to those trends related to international corporate practices of various multinational corporations and global corporations, id: (Levitt, 1983).

When the questions posed by Quincy Wright are considered in light of Frank M. Russell’s 1936 work entitled Theories of International Relations, Nicholas John Spykman’s 1944 posthumous tome the Geography of Peace, and Reiser and Davies’ 1944 volume Planetary Democracy: An Introduction to Scientific Humanism and Applied Semantics, it could be argued that these works prefigured the development of the modern theories of complex interdependence and globalization. The resulting existence of an innumerable number of definitions for the words “globalize” and “globalization” tends to answer each of Wright’s questions in the affirmative.

Vidya S.A. Kumar’s 2003 article “A Critical Methodology of Globalization: Politics of the 21st Century?”, that appeared in the Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies during the summer of 2003 affirmed Scholte’s thoughts regarding the multiplicity of definitions, see: (Kumar, 2003, pp. 90-91). Kumar’s article examined definitions of globalization propounded within various social sciences specifically, she scrutinized definitions from the disciplines of sociology, economics, law, political science, and international relations. Her discussion of globalization within the legal realm is particularly noteworthy, because, as one of the exemplars of globalization she cited the definition developed by Anthony McGrew for the 1998 volume entitled Emerging Legal Certainty: Empirical Studies on the Globalization of Law.

[W]e can begin to conceive of globalization as a process which generates flows and connections, not simply across nation-states and national territorial boundaries, but between global regions, continents and civilizations. This invites a definition of globalization as: "an historical process which engenders a significant shift in the spatial reach of networks and systems of social relations to transcontinental or interregional patterns of human organization, activity and the exercise of power (Kumar, 2003, p. 98) citing (McGrew, Law and the new world order: Global legal interaction and contemporary patterns of globalization, 1998, p. 327).

McGrew’s definition cited by Kumar is important for two reasons. First, the definition provides a linkage between the fields of law and international relations. The definition articulated by McGrew in 1998 provided the foundation for the international relations volumes, the Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture; and its successor The Global Transformations Reader that McGrew co-authored, see: (Held & McGrew, The Global Transformations Reader: An Introduction to the Globalization Debate, 2003) and (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999). Second, the definition like those advanced by (Baylis, Smith, & Owens, The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, 2014), (Keohane & Nye, 2011), and (Baylis & Smith, 1997) all view globalization as being indivisible from a state of interconnectedness and interdependence. Kumar citing the definition provided in the first edition of The Globalization of World Politics edited by John Baylis and Steve Smith affirmed the centrality of the notion of an intensification on a reduction in the state of interconnectedness and interdependence that exists between nation-states (Kumar, 2003, pp. 98-99) citing (Baylis & Smith, 1997, p. 7). Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye in their seminal text Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition first published in 1977 that is now in its fourth edition, argue that globalization and its opposite de-globalization are merely processes that either serve to strengthen or weaken the bonds between the nations, regions, civilizations and cultures of the world, id: (Keohane and Nye 2011, 225).

We define globalism as a state of the world involving networks of interdependence at multi-continental distances, linked through flows and influences of capital and goods, information and ideas, people and force, as well as environmentally and biologically relevant substances (such as acid rain or pathogens). Globalization and de-globalization refer to the increase or decline of globalism (Keohane and Nye 2011, 225).

Vidya S.A. Kumar emphasized that a proper understanding of globalization requires an understanding and acknowledgement the term may refer to both phenomena and the processes underpinning those occurrences, id: (Kumar, 2003, pp. 88-89). Held and McGrew’s 2003 volume, The Global Transformations Reader like its 1999 precursor identified eight dimensions affected by the processes of globalization and de-globalization, (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, Rethinking Globalization, 2003, pp. 67-73), and (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999, pp. 16-27). These eight dimensions fall into two broad categories, the first category deals with the spatial and temporal attributes of the processes of globalization and de-globalization, id: ((Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, Rethinking Globalization, 2003, p. 69), and (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999, p. 17) The second category addresses the organizational characteristics of the various processes, id: (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, Rethinking Globalization, 2003, p. 71), and (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999, p. 19).

Table 1 Omitted


Section III. Democracy and democratic political community development

(Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999) argued that the diversity of transformations occurring as a result of contemporary globalization are unique in large measure because of their depth, scope and width across sociocultural, socioeconomic and sociopolitical arenas resulting in higher intensity interactions, over a more extensive series of networks than existed in previous long cycles, (McGrew, Models of Transnational Democracy, 2003) (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999, pp. 444-446) (Modelski, 1987). The structural nature of these transformations involve by their very nature a series of evolutionary processes governing the development of political spaces and political communities in such a way that they are able to address both the internationalization of previously regional concerns; and the politicization of subjects that have heretofore have been excluded from the political realm, id: (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999, pp. 77 and 444-446). The area experiencing the greatest revolution involves the political community and alterations to the political power structures brought about through the development of the concept of the “democratic political community and novel forms of political agency. In his 1993 volume The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century.

Samuel Phipps Huntington argued that modern processes of democratization and de-democratization have occurred in a series of Kondratiev like waves within a series of three cycles of varying lengths that have their origins in the American and French Revolutions of the eighteenth century. Huntington placed the beginning of the first wave of democratization at beginning of the Jacksonian period in the United States of America Id Est about 1828, see: (Huntington, 1991, p. 16). Arend Lijphart extended Huntington’s thesis about the Third Wave of democratization arguing that the new millennium witnessed conclusion of the Third Wave as defined by Huntington, and the transition into the Reverse Third Wave projected by Huntington in 1991, id: (Lijphart, 2000, pp. 265-266).

Anthony McGrew averred that the contemporary processes of democratization that characterize the third wave have stimulated the development of four models of transnational democracy capable of regulating and governing globalization and de-globalization processes. He described the four models as Liberal-internationalism, Radical – democratic pluralism, Cosmopolitan democracy, and Deliberative (discursive) democracy respectively, (McGrew, Models of Transnational Democracy, 2003, pp. 500-506). Each of these forms of democratic political community possesses a distinct set of attributes that can be modified to suit a given situation,

Table 2: Omitted

The flexibility present in McGrew's four models are necessary because, as with other attributes of globalization the dissemination of democracy occurs unevenly. The literature related to the spread of democracy as it relates to globalization is replete with examples that support the tendency of globalization and democracy to occur and develop disproportionately. Charles Tilly asserted that the disproportionate diffusion of democracy resulting from globalization is the result of durable categorical inequalities inherent in globalization process.

Durable categorical inequality refers to organized differences in advantages by gender, race, nationality, ethnicity, religion, community, and similar classification systems. It occurs when transactions across a categorical boundary (e.g., male-female) (a) regularly yield net advantages to people on one side of the boundary and also (b) reproduce the boundary (Tilly, 2003, p. 37), see also: (Tilly, Relational Studies of Inequality, 2000).

Tilly maintained that the proper analysis of the levels of inequality engendered by globalization required a detailed
examination of five characteristics: One, scope of governmental authority; Two, the extent of citizen participation in politics and government; Three, equality of access to government; Four, the extent to which citizens influence and control government action; Five, the ability of governments to protect their constituencies, partisans and general populace (Tilly, 2003, pp. 38-41).

In his article entitled “Global Linkages, Vulnerable Economies, and the Outbreak of Conflict” Valpy FitzGerald reasoned that leaving the durable inequalities described by Tilly leave the economies of globalizing nations particularly vulnerable to negative economic forces, id: (FitzGerald, 1999, pp. 58-61). Furthermore, Lijphart’s analysis demonstrates the inequalities and conflicts noted by both FitzGerald and Tilly can be exacerbated when a developing nation that is ethnically diverse attempts to institute a presidential form of government based upon a majoritarian foundation instead of a parliamentary form with proportional representation as its basis see: (Lijphart, 2000, pp. 267-270). Unchecked durable inequalities and socioeconomic instability can result in the de-democratization and deglobalization of civilizations, societies, and nation-states (Tilly, Inequality, Democratization, and De-Democratization, 2003, pp. 41-43) and (FitzGerald, 1999, p. 61); while simultaneously giving rise to intractable conflicts. Chester Crocker and his colleagues defined an intractable conflict; as one that has resisted settlement over a prolonged period of time (Crocker, Hampson, & Aall, 2005, pp. 4-5).

Section IV. The Effect of Geography on Globalization and Democracy and Democratic Political Community Development

Ricardo Hausmann implied in “Prisoners of Geography” that globalization, the diffusion of democracy and the development of democratic political community are constrained or accelerated by the geographical, topographical, and climatological features of the various nations, id: (Hausmann, 2001, pp. 46-51). Hausmann’s thesis is neither new, nor is it novel Nicholas John Spykman demonstrated how geographic and topographic considerations affect the political outlook, foreign policies and policy objectives of nation-states. In “Geography and Foreign Policy, I” published in February of 1938, Spykman asserted that importance of geography and topography derive from the fact that these physical characteristics condition particularly relative size, world location, and the topographical characteristics inform policy considerations, id: (Spykman, Geography and Foreign Policy, I, 1938, pp. 29-31), and (Spykman & Nicholl, The Geography of Peace, 1944, p. 22). Subsequently, in “Geography and Foreign Policy, II” published the following June 1938, Spykman maintained that a nation-state’s locational attributes are not unidimensional because, the policies and practices of nations are informed not only by their relative location on the world map; but, also by the geographic region in which a nation is situated. and the topographic elements inform policy considerations because, they affect the durability of the infrastructure and the extension of networks (Spykman, Geography and Foreign Policy, II, 1938, p. 213). In the second part of the series Spykman argued that smaller nation-states, regions, and provinces that abut a national border tend to be more cognizant of changes across the borders than do national governments with capitals far removed from their borders. In the body of the article Spykman offered a number examples across the globe that but were not limited to Belgium, Bolivia, Manchuria, and Puerto Rico, id: (Spykman, Geography and Foreign Policy, II, 1938, pp. 214-216).

The man who once formulated the foreign policy of Manchuria had to do so with one eye on Japan and the other on Russia; every international gesture of Belgium is conditioned by the fact that she lies between France and Germany and across the Channel from Great Britain;… (Spykman, Geography and Foreign Policy, II, 1938, p. 213).

John Spykman and Abbie Rollins approached such transfers from a sociopolitical perspective in their two part article from the summer of 1939 entitled “Geographic Objectives in Foreign Policy, I” and “Geographic Objectives in Foreign Policy, II” respectively. Spykman and Rollins contended that the expansion and contraction of boundaries and frontiers tend to occur where such changes will result in the minimum of damage, id: (Spykman & Rollins, Geographic Objectives in Foreign Policy, I, 1939, p. 392). The same holds true for maritime and riverine borders as well, id: (Spykman & Rollins, Geographic Objectives in Foreign Policy, II, 1939).

If the processes of globalization, the dissemination of democracy and the development of democratic political community are bound by geographic, topographic, and climatic conditions present in the various nation states; can these factors help to explain why, landlocked nations like Bolivia, Mali, Paraguay, and Uzbekistan are slower to develop democratic institutions

Section V. Case Study and Concluding Remarks

Arend Lijphart in his article entitled “The Future of Democracy: Reasons for Pessimism, but Also Some Optimism” discussed the Bolivian experiment with presidential democracy providing a concise summary of the unique hybrid that is the Bolivian system of government that blends elements of parliamentary and presidential forms of democracy, id: (Lijphart, 2000, p. 271). He concurs with the assessments of both R.A. Mayorga and J.J. Linz that the Bolivian system of democracy is fundamentally “parliamentarized presidentialism” see: (Lijphart, 2000, pp. 271-272). The long term sustainability of Bolivian democracy and its democratic community requires the acquisition of a port on the Pacific coast as vehicle to develop greater stability in the spatio-temporal dimensions of its efforts to engage other nations. Enhancing the connections and network extensions Bolivia possesses on the regional and global levels will allow for the country to focus on strengthening the organizational dimensions particularly fostering and nurturing improvements to the infrastructure and distributional processes. The enrichment of the eight dimensions of Globalization articulated by (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, Rethinking Globalization, 2003) and (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture, 1999) will fortify the democratic systems Bolivian democracy and its democratic community by facilitating exchanges of political culture with other democratic nations that have older and more established democracies.

References
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Baylis, J., Smith, S., & Owens, P. (2014). Introduction. In J. Baylis, S. Smith, & P. Owens, The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (p. 648). New York City, New York, USA: Oxford University Press.

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Hausmann, R. (2001, January-February). Prisoners of Geography. Foreign Policy(122), 44-53.

Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D., & Perraton, J. (1999). Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture (First Edition ed., Vol. One). Redwood City, California, United States of America: Stanford UP.

Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D., & Perraton, J. (2003). Rethinking Globalization. In D. Held, A. McGrew, D. Held, & A. McGrew (Eds.), The Global Transformations Reader: An Introduction to the Globalization Debate (Second ed., Vol. One, p. 624). Malden, Massachusetts, USA: Polity.

Huntington, S. P. (1991). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century (First ed., Vol. One). Norman, Oklahoma, USA: University of Oklahoma Press.

Keohane, R. O., & Nye, J. S. (2011). Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition (Fourth Edition ed., Vol. One). New York City, New York, United States of America: Longman-Green.

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Evolution in International Relations

A proper understanding of the relationships that exists between various schools of thought in the field of international relations must be prefaced by a discussion of the concepts of cycles and cyclical behavior. The recognition of cyclical behavior and its importance inspired humankind to develop various world views as a means of explaining significance and meaning of the patterns discerned. Both occidental and oriental writings recognize and affirm the importance of cycles, comparing the first eight verses of the third chapter of the Book of Ecclesiastes against the forty-second chapter of the Tao Te Ching demonstrates the point.


Ecclesiastes 3:1-8
1
There is an appointed time for everything,
and a time for every affair under the heavens.
2
A time to give birth, and a time to die;
a time to plant, and a time to uproot the plant.
3
A time to kill, and a time to heal;
a time to tear down, and a time to build.
4
A time to weep, and a time to laugh;
a time to mourn, and a time to dance.
5
A time to scatter stones, and a time to gather them;
a time to embrace, and a time to be far from embraces.
6
A time to seek, and a time to lose;
a time to keep, and a time to cast away.
7
A time to rend, and a time to sew;
a time to be silent, and a time to speak.
8
A time to love, and a time to hate;
a time of war, and a time of peace. (Book of Ecclesiastes, 2011, 3:1-8)

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Tao Te Ching Chapter 42

The Tao begot one. One begot two. Two begot three. And three begot the ten thousand things.

The ten thousand things carry yin and embrace yang.

They achieve harmony by combining these forces.

People hate to be “orphaned,” “widowed,” or “worthless,”

But this is how the wise describe themselves.

For one gains by losing
And loses by gaining. (Tao Te Ching, 2011, p. 45)


What are cycles? Merriam-Webster’s Dictionary defined the term cycles in part; as both measures of time, or as a series of occurrences that are repeated over time. Derived from the ancient Greek word “kyklos” and the subsequent Latin word “cyclus” that can mean either a circle or wheel. Cycles can be either short or long. Regardless of the length all cycles share common characteristics in the sense that all cycles are both balanced and circular in nature.

Grandmaster Hwang Kee, the founder of Soo Bahk Do Moo Duk Kwan school of martial arts averred in the Moo Do Chul Hahk published posthumously, that the active and passive elements of all cycles recognized and affirmed by occidental and oriental traditions alike are balanced by the presence of a neutral element. The purpose of this neutral force is to regulate the cyclical processes and through its moderating influence inspire the unity between the active and passive elements necessary to give substance and form to the material world id: (Hwang, 2009, pp. 124-127). Cycles and cyclical behavior govern the natural and social sciences alike.

Published in 1987 George Modelski’s seminal work entitled Long Cycles in World Politics argued that, international relations and the appurtenant fields international economics, international law, and international polity, develop and evolve in accordance with an inherent and preëxisting pattern of repetitive cycles that continually recur. The evidence for the progression of a given cycle can be verified through a careful study of the waves of development known as Kondratiev waves present within each long cycle.

Long cycles offer a new perspective on world politics. They permit the careful exploration of the ways in which world wars have recurred, and lead states such as Britain and the United States have succeeded each other in an orderly manner. They draw attention to the fact that the great wars and leading powers were also linked to waves of major innovations, such as the age of discoveries or the industrial revolution, that have made the modern world what it is. They help cultivate a long-term outlook on international affairs. Students of long cycles believe that major wars and leadership relate to each other in repeating patterns, and that these patterns in turn, link up to major trends of global development, (Modelski, 1987, p. 1).

Modelski’s work on long cycles implicitly affirmed the position adopted by Nathan Roscoe Pound in the 1954 revision of his 1921 classic entitled, An Introduction to the Philosophy of Law. In his tome Pound implied that both municipal and international law are organic in the sense that they undergo periodic cycles of evolution interposed with periods of stasis dividing each cycle. The frequency and degree of the evolutionary cycles and their complimentary periods of stability are not completely uniform and vary between different areas of law with some changing more frequently than others id: (Pound, 1982, pp. 1-24)

The desire to explain the cyclical patterns described within the fields of international relations, economics, law, and polity led to the development of the two primary schools of thought international realism and international liberalism, although, these streams of thought exhibit some opposition to the other; neither school, nor their progeny would exist and function in the absence of the other. They are constrained and balanced because, neither theory alone is sufficient to completely account for the repetition of patterns witnessed from one cycle to the next. Furthermore, the balance between the theories is enhanced because both acknowledge the importance of the state within the international sphere.


In the fifth edition of Contending Theories of International Relations: A Comprehensive Survey published in 2001 James E. Dougherty and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr., asserted that the development of international relations as it exists today was engendered by the death agonies of the post Napoleonic Concert of Europe system, culminating in the cataclysmic of the First World War (Dougherty & Pfaltzgraff, Jr., 2001, pp. 64-67).

It could reasonably be argued that the twentieth century witnessed the end of a cycle that began with the Revolutions of 1848-49 and ended with the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914. The ensuing First World War marked a transitional period between the end of the previous long cycle and the beginning of the next long cycle that began at the Peace Conference held in Paris during the Spring of 1919. (Dougherty & Pfaltzgraff, Jr., 2001) assert that the modern incarnations of the classical idealist/liberal theory, and classical realist theory date to this period, (Dougherty & Pfaltzgraff, Jr., 2001, pp. 66-69). The long cycle begun in 1919 finished in 1992 following the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The cycle possessed two distinct phases; the first phase began in 1919 at the Palace of Versailles and ended in January of 1946 with the convening of the United Nations in Central Hall Westminster, London. The first phase of the long cycle consisted of two subdivisions. During the first half of the cycle’s first phase American and European scholars that ascribed to an idealistic worldview including Elihu Root, Woodrow Wilson, Lassa Francis Lawrence Oppenheim, John Dewey, Dionisio Anzilotti and Jan Christiaan Smuts dominated the discourse. These scholars advocated for the creation of the League of Nations, the Permanent Court of International Justice and the International Labour Commission. Pitman B. Potter highlighted the need for the League of Nations in his 1948 volume entitled An Introduction to the Study of International Organization, Potter emphasized that the formulation of the League of Nations in 1919 its dissolution 1946 and the creation of the United Nations during the same period were the direct result of the upheavals caused by the small scale wars at the time of the two Hague Peace Conferences between 1899 and 1907; and the two global wars between 1914 and 1945.

Finally the cumulative revolutions of 1900, 1920, and 1940 (roughly) must be registered. The events of the end of the nineteenth century and the early years of the present century did not, in content, really exceed greatly what had been accomplished in the preceding generation, but the steps now taken are more self-conscious, deliberate, and articulate. The developments of 1875-1900 were obscure, unheralded, and unsung; they were even denied in principle. In 1899, 1900, 1904, and 1907 international organization was put forward in so many words as a desirable thing. Then came a relapse which lasted for ten years or more when again a revolution had to be staged in favor of a League of Nations and all the accompanying developments ( 1918-1928). The peak of this development came just before the economic collapse of 1929; perhaps we should say that this collapse brought that movement to an end. At all events there was another reaction and only in 1942 could the forward movement be taken up again. The volume and force of the present movement seem to dwarf anything that has gone before but we should be sufficiently chastened by this historical review to approach present developments with suitable humility. It is true that the long history of international organization made the creation of the League of Nations in 1919-1920 appear not surprising but surprisingly late. It is true that after the events of 1936-1941 the recreation of the League under another name seems to have been inevitable and wholly in accord with international needs. Nevertheless nothing is certain--in matters of detail at least-- in this field and all further action will still be an historical experiment (Potter, 1948, pp. 238-239)


The failure of the League of Nations reflected the limitations of the idealist school to address international issues effectively, and ultimately required that the leadership within the idealist/liberal school pass from the Wilsonian idealists to the classical liberals including Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, José Gustavo Guerrero, and Manley Ottmer Hudson, Sr. David Fromkin in his 1994 article entitled “What is Wilsonianism?” argued that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt sought to divorce himself and his administration’s approach to international affairs from the idealistic theories advanced by his political mentor Woodrow Wilson, in whose administration he had served as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. The exigencies of the Great Depression and onset of the Second World War required that President Roosevelt temper any preëxisting liberal tendencies with a realistic form of restraint similar to that espoused by his close relative and the former Republican president Theodore Roosevelt, (Fromkin, 1994, p. 102). This moderation by President Roosevelt gave rise to the classical liberal theory founded on three principles.

1. The traditional view that equilibrium among nation-states can only be maintained through a “balance of power” equation is flawed because, there is no such thing as balance at the international level because the distribution of power is always in a state of flux. Furthermore, the idea that the maintenance of national sovereignty, and security of the nation-state from external threats are the only factors that influence and affect balance of power equations, ignores the effect that social unrest or economic issues domestically can have on the ability of the state to engage within the international sphere, and thereby limits the power and influence of a nation state, (Potter, 1948, pp. 169-176)

2. The constantly shifting landscape on the international level requires the presence of international organizations, regional organizations, intergovernmental organizations, znc non-governmental organizations. These organizations can serve as forums in which states can express their views, advance their preferred policies, and which can be utilized to conduct indirect diplomacy between states that do not have diplomatic ties as in the case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic
of China (ROC), id: (Dutton, 2011), and (Chi, 2009)

3. It is possible to lessen the degree of anarchy naturally found within the international arena through the development of and implementation of multilateral instruments that emphasize and enhance international coöperation, id: (Lewis, 2014), (Brownlie, 2009), (Jessup, 1949) and (Goodrich, 1945).

The transfer of leadership within the idealist/liberal school coincided with the deterioration of the political situation in Europe and the Far East beginning in 1931 with Mukden Incident and accelerating with the rise of National Socialism in Germany and Fascist governments in Bulgaria, Italy, Japan, Romania, and Spain from 1931 to 1936. The inability of liberally minded diplomats and politicians to ameliorate the instability caused by the aggressive conduct of the Tripartite Axis, and to check the aggression of the Axis powers signaled the beginning of a succession process, in which, the idealist/liberal school gradually yielded their dominant position to the realist school of thought led by Edward Hallett Carr and his disciple Hans Joachim Morgenthau. During this transitory period, the liberal politicians retained sufficient strength to effect the replacement of the discredited League of Nations and the Permanent Court of International Justice in 1945-1946 with the newly created United Nations and the International Court of Justice. In his critique of idealist/liberal theory contained in The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations, Carr argued that the idealist/liberal theory is based upon a flawed foundation because, in his view the idealists/liberals sought to establish their theoretical principles as norms against which all diplomatic practice would be judged rather than viewing theoretical constructs as a products established practices, see: (Carr, 2001, p. 12).

In his volume Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, Hans Joachim Morgenthau provided the clearest articulation of the realistic worldview that became the dominant and prevailing theory by the time of the Battle of Osan-si signaled the beginning of the Korean War in July of 1950. In his seminal volume Morgenthau advanced six principles that he asserted underpinned the realist worldview. First, he argued the realism must be governed by objective laws founded on human nature, in contrast to the liberal point of view that is based upon aspirations, (Morgenthau, 1963, pp. 4-5). Second, international politics is defined in accordance with and inextricably linked to the interests of the nation-state. As a corollary to this realistic theorists like Carr and Morgenthau held that the state interest revolves around the acquisition and maintenance of various forms of power by the state, (Morgenthau, 1963, pp. 5-8). Third, the definition of state interest and the definition of power that serves as the basis for the state interest are mutable, meaning that they can be altered when a situation demands their alteration, (Morgenthau, 1963, pp. 8-10). Fourth, the international sphere is in a state of perpetual conflict, because, every act of a nation-state inspires a degree of conflict (Morgenthau, 1963, pp. 10-11). Fifth, the proper governance of the state requires moderation restraint and above all else impartiality to avoid harm to the state or its interests (Morgenthau, 1963, p. 11). Lastly, the political sphere must always remain separate and distinct from any other realm to preserve the validity of the theory (Morgenthau, 1963, p. 11).

The limitations of classical realism became apparent in the failure of the realist school to effectively mitigate or address the debacle in Indochina that resulted in the Vietnam War and the eventual defeat and withdrawal of U.S. personnel in 1975. The evacuation of the U.S, embassy in Saigon heralded the beginning of the end of the long cycle that had started in 1919. The process of concluding the cycle continued through the 1980’s and accelerated following the summit between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev in Reykjavik, Iceland in 1986. The cycle begun in 1919 at Versailles ended with the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on December 31, 1991, and the de facto end of the forty-six year Cold War.

During this period dissension and discontent manifested itself in both the realist school and the liberal school. In the realist camp a group of concerned academics led by Kenneth Waltz called for a return to the rigorous standards that had been discarded during the Vietnam Era, and for a wholesale review and revision of the terminology employed by realists. These arguments only served as the preface to the substance of the arguments that Kenneth Waltz presented in his volume entitled Theory of International Politics in which he argued that acquisition and maintenance of power was not the ultimate end of politics. Conversely, they argued that power developed as a byproduct of the efforts of the state to maintain its nationhood. Moreover, Waltz and other neo-realists asserted that politics and not power provided the basis for explaining the conduct of the nation-state both internationally and municipally. Classical liberal theorists also faced a challenge during the 1980’s from neo-liberals Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye who argued that classical liberal theory did not sufficiently account for the increasing levels of interdependence among states, the consequent development of globalism and their effect on the power of the state that they chronicled in Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition.

In two decades since the dissolution of the Soviet Union a new long cycle has begun in, which, the neorealist school founded by Kenneth Waltz and the neoliberal school established through efforts of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye are the dominant theories. In this cycle they will fulfill the role played by the idealist/liberal and realist schools in the previous cycle, it is too early to judge whether either school has been outpaced such a determination takes on average about forty to fifty years the same length of time as a K- Wave. It is premature to say whether or not the neoclassical liberal school or the neoclassical realist schools at this point in time will supplant the neoliberal or neorealist paradigms

Works Cited

Brownlie, I. (2009, July). Wang Tieya Lecture in Public International Law: “The Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes”. Chinese Journal of International Law, 8(2), 267-283. doi:10.1093/chinesejil/jmp015

Carr, E. H. (2001). The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (Reprint of the 1964 First Torchbook ed., Vol. One). New York City, New York, USA: Perennial Books.

Chi, S. (2009). Conciliation in cross-strait relations. In S. Chi, Taiwan’s Relations with Mainland China: A tail wagging two dogs (First Edition ed., Vol. One, pp. 1-29). New York City, NY, USA: Routledge.

Doctrine, The Confraternity of Christian. (2011). Book of Ecclesiastes. In T. C. Doctrine, The New American Bible, Revised Edition (Fourth ed., Vol. One). Rome, Vatican City, Vatican City State: Doctrine, The Confraternity of Christian. Retrieved October 7, 2015, from http://www.usccb.org/bible/ecclesiastes/3

Dougherty, J. E., & Pfaltzgraff, Jr., R. L. (2001). Contending Theories of International Relations (Fifth ed., Vol. One). New York City, New York, USA: Longman.

Dutton, P. (2011, Autumn). THREE DISPUTES AND THREE OBJECTIVES China and the South China Sea. Naval War College Review, 64(4), 42-67. Retrieved September 26, 2016, from http://ezproxy.apus.edu/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/887050254?pq-origsite=summon&accountid=8289

Feng, G.-F., English, J., Lippe, T., & Needleman, J. (2011). Tao Te Ching (Third ed., Vol. One). (G.-F. Feng, J. English, & T. Lippe, Trans.) Vintage Books.

Fromkin, D. (1994, Spring). What is Wilsonianism? World Policy Journal, 11(1), 100-112.

Goodrich, L. M. (1945, October). The United Nations: Peace and Security - III. Pacific Settlement of Disputes. (F. A. Ogg, K. C. Cole, R. E. Cushman, C. Eagleton, E. P. Herring, W. H. Laves, . . . C. B. Swisher, Eds.) The American Political Science Review, 39(5), 956-970. Retrieved December 5, 2013, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1950036

Hwang, K. (2009). Passage 4: The Ten Thousand Things are Produced Through the Harmony of Um and Yang. In K. Hwang, & H. C. Hwang (Ed.), Moo Do Chul Hahk (1993) (H. C. Hwang, Trans., A New Translation ed., Vol. One, pp. 125-127). Springfield, New Jersey, USA: Hyun Chul Hwang.

Jessup, P. C. (1949). INTERNATIONAL COÖPERATION IN THE POLITICAL FIELD. Proceedings of the American Society of International Law at Its Annual Meeting. 43, pp. 6-17. Washington: American Society of International Law. Retrieved December 6, 2013, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25657186

Lewis, M. (2014). The Birth of the New Justice: The Internationalization of Crime and Punishment, 1919-1950 (First ed., Vol. One). London, England, UK: Oxford University Press.

Modelski, G. (1987). Long Cycles in World Politics (First ed., Vol. One). Seattle, Washington, USA: University of Washington Press.

Morgenthau, H. J. (1963). Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (Third ed., Vol. One). New York City, New York, USA: Alfred A. Knopf.

Potter, P. B. (1948). An Introduction to the Study of International Organization (Fifth ed., Vol. One). New York City, New York, USA: Appleton-Century-Crofts.

Pound, N. R. (1982). An Introduction to the Philosophy of Law (1954) (Reprint of the Revised Edition ed., Vol. One). New Haven, Connecticut, USA: Yale UP.

Paradigms

During my first course as undergraduate pursuing, a course of study in international studies my classmates and I received our introduction to the differing philosophies of Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama and Samuel Phillips Huntington.
In the final stages of the Cold War during the summer of 1989 Francis Fukuyama authored, the seminal article entitled “The End of History” which initially appeared in the summer 1989 issue of The National Interest. In the article, Fukuyama contended that the impending end of the “Cold War” as it had existed since the conclusion of hostilities during the Second World War on September 2, 1945 prefigured the completion of an evolutionary process in political thought and ideology. Fukuyama argued that the process would result in the eventual universalization of liberal democracy and its acknowledgment as the ultimate form of human governance.

What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government. This is not to say that there will no longer be events to fill the pages of Foreign Affair's yearly summaries of international relations, for the victory of liberalism has occurred primarily in the realm of ideas or consciousness and is as yet incomplete in, the real or material world. (Fukuyama 2005)

Fukuyama advanced a Hegelian argument influenced by work of Alexandre Kojève and his student Alan Bloom emphasizing that a true understanding of history requires a thorough comprehension of the underlying historical processes originated in the realm of ideas (consciousness) and transcended the material world. Fukuyama and his antecedents maintained that the preëxisting universal consciousness, the realm of ideas, will eventually transform the material, particular world in such a way that it becomes a true representation of the universal consciousness capable of transcending and bridging areas of potential conflict.

As a counterpoint to balance the Hegelian and utopian aspects of Fukuyama’s article our professor, Dr. Col. Ronald L. Hatchett, UASF ret., required his students to read Samuel P. Huntington’s “The Clash of Civilizations.” Even though he was one of Fukuyama’s mentors, Huntington’s views are the antithesis of those espoused by Fukuyama. Huntington argued that in the post-Cold War era conflicts would occur along cultural fault lines, instead of political and economic ones that had occurred during and before the Cold War.

Civilization Identity will be increasingly important in the future, and the world will be shaped in large measure by the interactions among seven or eight major civilizations. These include Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American and possibly African civilization. The most important conflicts of the future will occur along the cultural fault lines separating these civilizations from one another. (Huntington 1993).

The core of Huntington’s thesis rests upon a Hobbesian response to the arguments raised within Fukuyama’s “End of History.” Huntington identified six root causes for future clashes between the various cultural groups: One, difference between civilizations; Two, heightened interaction between differing civilizations; Three, economic and social changes that undermine local identity and inhibit the nation-state from fulfilling its role as definer of the national identity, and unifying force. The need to fill the void created by the inability of the state to serve as a unifying force mandated that religion assume this function previously held by the state. Four, Huntington asserts that cultural differences are more static and less likely to be subject to concessions, unlike political and economic differences to which, solutions are more easily negotiated. Five, economic regionalism; Last, the dual nature of the Western civilization, has resulted in an admiration of the power and influence possessed by the Western nations by Non-Western nations, while, simultaneously inciting what Huntington termed a “return to roots phenomenon”

The six root causes for conflict documented above provide an illustration of the influence of Thomas Hobbes that underpins the “Clash of Civilizations.” In chapter, thirteen of Leviathan Hobbes contended that the nature of humankind was predisposed to be quarrelsome. Hobbes believed that the conflict between humans originated from three sources competition, indifference, and greed.

So that in the nature of man, we find three principal causes of quarrel. First, competition; secondly, diffidence; thirdly, glory. The first maketh men invade for gain; the second, for safety; and the third, for reputation. The first use violence, to make themselves masters of other men's persons, wives, children, and cattle; the second, to defend them; the third, for trifles, as a word, a smile, a different opinion, and any other sign of undervalue, either direct in their persons or by reflection in their kindred, their friends, their nation, their profession, or their name. (Hobbes 1995)

Huntington’s six sources of potential conflict readily reaffirm the Hobbesian contention humankind is in general a species of selfish beings, indifferent to the welfare of others, driven by the desire for self-preservation that is accomplished through the power accrued only through the achievement of economic and political capital, id: (Huntington 1993). In 2002, nine years after the original publication of the “Clash of Civilizations” and thirteen years after Fukuyama’s propositions regarding the “End of History” Stanley Hoffmann offered a critique of both models in an article entitled “The Clash of Globalizations.”

Hoffmann rejected both Fukuyama and Huntington’s models because both possessed deficiencies in their abilities to account for various phenomena. Hoffmann’s primary objection to the Fukuyamian paradigm revolves around Fukuyama’s failure to account for extremist nationalism and the development of future religious conflicts especially those inspired by radical religious fundamentalist groups especially in the predominantly Islamic countries.
His refutation of the Huntingtonian concept is founded upon both a semantic and a substantive argument. Semantically, Hoffmann contends that Huntington’s definition of what constitutes a civilization is ill-defined. Substantively, Hoffmann makes three points: First, he observed that the Huntingtonian model errs in the sense that it effectively minimizes intrastate conflicts, dismissing them as unimportant. Second, he believes that Huntington’s view grossly exaggerated role religion plays when considering the behavioral development of non-Western elites who are often more secular and Westernized than the lower classes of the populace. Hoffmann, third and final substantive point reflects the synthesis of his prior two points, he maintains that Huntington cannot establish a firm linkage between his concept of a civilization and the foreign policies of the nation-states comprising these civilizations.

Two models made a great deal of noise in the 1990s. The first one -- Francis Fukuyama's "End of History" thesis -- was not vindicated by events. To be sure, his argument predicted the end of ideological conflicts, not history itself, and the triumph of political and economic liberalism. That point is correct in a narrow sense: the "secular religions" that fought each other so bloodily in the last century are now dead. But Fukuyama failed to note that nationalism remains very much alive. Moreover, he ignored the explosive potential of religious wars that has extended to a large part of the Islamic world.
Fukuyama's academic mentor, the political scientist Samuel Huntington, provided a few years later a gloomier account that saw a very different world. Huntington predicted that violence resulting from international anarchy and the absence of common values and institutions would erupt among civilizations rather than among states or ideologies. But Huntington's conception of what constitutes a civilization was hazy. He failed to take into account sufficiently conflicts within each so-called civilization, and he overestimated the importance of religion in the behavior of non-Western elites, who are often secularized and Westernized. Hence he could not clearly define the link between a civilization and the foreign policies of its member states. (Hoffmann 2002)

As an alternative Hoffmann recommended a neoclassical realistic approach founded on the work of Hans Morgenthau and Raymond Aron but with modifications that can account for terrorism by non-state actors and the challenges posed by the political, cultural, and economic globalization especially in the aftermath of the destruction wrought on September 11, 2001. He urged caution and restraint in the development and use of a new framework.

For all these tensions, it is still possible that the American war on terrorism will be contained by prudence, and that other governments will give priority to the many internal problems created by interstate rivalries and the flaws of globalization. But the world risks being squeezed between a new Scylla and Charybdis. The Charybdis is universal intervention, unilaterally decided by American leaders who are convinced that they have found a global mission provided by a colossal threat. Presentable as an epic contest between good and evil, this struggle offers the best way of rallying the population and overcoming domestic divisions. The Scylla is resignation to universal chaos in the form of new attacks by future bin Ladens, fresh humanitarian disasters, or regional wars that risk escalation. Only through wise judgment can the path between them be charted. (Hoffmann 2002).

John Ralston Saul’s article entitled “The Collapse of Globalism: And the rebirth of nationalism” extends Hoffmann’s views on the subject of the relationship between globalization and terrorism to include market fundamentalism. Saul argued that globalism as an idea appeared in a fog much in the same way that God appeared to Moses in a cloud, that ultimately resulted in the formation of Crucifixion Theory of Economics.
Saul maintained that fundamentalist economists advocating Crucifixion Theory hold to the belief that in order to achieve `economic salvation’ a state must be willing to sacrifice the socio-economic well-being of individual to resurrect the state.

…Globalization had shoved ethics to the side from the very beginning and insisted upon a curious sort of moral righteousness that included maximum trade, unrestrained self-interest, and governments alone respecting their debts. These notions were curiously paired with something often called family values, as well as an Old Testament view of good and evil. It somehow followed that if countries were in financial trouble, they were moral transgressors. They had to discipline themselves. Wear hair shirts. Embrace denial and fasting. This was the crucifixion theory of economics: you had to be killed economically and socially in order to be reborn clean and healthy. (Saul 2004)

Having read Fukuyama, Huntington, Hoffmann and Saul I find that I concur with Hoffmann’s assessment of both Fukuyama and Huntington’s model. Moreover, I would argue that the need for a more flexible model not tied to the Crucifixion Model was demonstrated as early as 1995-1996 with the bombings of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, and the Khobar Towers.

Works Cited
Fukuyama, Yoshihiro Francis. "The End of History? (1989)." This is Robert L. Stevenson's home page. Edited by Robert L. Stevenson. Robert L. Stevenson. January 13, 2005. http://www.unc.edu/home/rlstev/Text/Fukuyama%20End%20of%20History.pdf (accessed August 13, 2010).
Hobbes, Thomas. "The Leviathan (1660)." Great Voyages: the History of Western Philosophy from 1492-1776, Winter 1997. Edited by Bill Uzgalis and Joy Hughes. Jon Dorbolo, et al. October 1995. http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/texts/hobbes/leviathan-c.html#CHAPTERXIII (accessed August 13, 2010).
Hoffmann, Irving. "The Clash of Globalizations." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 4 (Jun/Jul 2002): 104-115.
Huntington, Samuel Phillips. "The Clash of Civilizations." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (Summer 1993): 22-49.
Saul, John Ralston. "The Collapse of Globalism: And the rebirth of nationalism." Harper's Magazine 308, no. 1846 (March 2004): 33-43.